One can easily characterize the struggle of the African* since
independence as a total commitment to urbanization and modernity.
Rightly or
wrongly, the African has considered his pre-independence or colonial
existence as a period of serfdom, political and economic oppression,
rural
poverty and underdevelopment of natural resources.
Consequently, on
gaining independence, his overriding task appears to be nation-building
and
a serious effort to raise his standard of living. As a result growth,
especially
as development of cities, has been rampant in Africa.
Hence, in his
important study of the growth of urban populations in Africa, Professor
Jacques Maquet remarks that in 1961 it was estimated that about ten
percent
of the population of Africa lived in cities. Even more significant are
the rate
and speed of its growth.
What we are concerned about here, however, is not the phenomenon
of city growth as such, but the possible deleterious effects of urban life on
the traditional values of the African.
For experience clearly teaches that
urbanization, and industrialization for that matter, are mixed blessings for
man as a political animal whose aim in forming a political community is the
"good life," as Aristotle phrases it.
What increasingly has become obvious
to the African as he pursues national growth, development and urbanization
as important values for a reasonably contented existence is the crisis of his
traditional values and, of course, the creation of new ones.
He is fast
learning from experience that the development of his rural setting into urban
and semi-urban centers entails certain hazards to his long cherished
traditional values.
This change of habitat, Professor Maquet puts it simply,
"alters everyday life." Other great scholars of the many-sided problems of
Africa also have made mention of the influences of the "European ways of
life" and have noted strikingly that these influences "have had a devastating
impact on the traditional way of life."
The African himself also is
increasingly aware that his daily life in its traditional village setting,
characterized by a stable and well articulated pattern of events, gradually is
"falling apart," in Professor Chinua Achebe's well known phrase. In what characteristic ways has urbanization affected the traditional
values of the modern African?
This is the question to which we shall
attempt to respond by research in contemporary African values as critically
influenced by the process of urbanization and the many dynamic changes
taking place on the African continent. The first task, however, is a brief
critical examination of the major traditional values of the African.
THE AFRICAN AND HIS DOMINANT VALUES
In this paper, we take "value" in its simple connotation of "a thing of
worth." A thing has value if it has some worth, and in this sense man
considers life worth living because he finds certain things intrinsically
valuable.
In his traditional life the African holds certain things to be of great
value. It is these values which give him a distinct cultural personality and
enable him to make some contribution to world knowledge, history and
civilization.
It is not our task in this essay to articulate all the cultural values
of the African, but only the dominant ones as we attempt to assess their
status against the current tide of urbanization sweeping across the continent.
One of the foremost traditional values of the African is a large
family. Children are of supreme value to the African. His primary
purpose for
marriage is children and to have as many of them as possible.
This is
the
reason why polygamy or the union of one man with several women still
holds great attraction for him, and also why the birth rate in Africa is
among
the highest in the world.
The fact is that the African still counts his
blessings by the number of children he has, whether they are educated or
not, rich or poor, healthy or sick, well-fed or hungry.
Another important traditional value of the modern African is love for,
and practice of, the extended family system. As a matter of fact the
extended family characterizes the life of the African and somehow shapes
his personality and outlook on life.
Unlike Western man, for instance, the
African sees his nuclear family as broadening out into a larger family unit.
Professor Maquet describes this broader family life thus:
The African child
has only to take a few steps in his village to visit several who can substitute
for his father, mother, brothers and sisters, and they will treat him
accordingly. Thus the child has many homes in his village, and he is
simultaneously giver and receiver of widespread attention.4
This extended family system is widely practiced in Africa. Indeed it
is one "in which everybody is linked with all the other members, living or
dead, through a complex network of spiritual relationship into a kind of
mystical body."5
Consequently, it is not just "being" that the African values;
"being-with-others" or as Maquet says, "being rooted in kinship" is an
equally important existential characteristic of the African.
He is never
isolated since several persons are assimilated into one parental role: his
father's brothers are assimilated by extension into the role of father, his
mother's sisters into the role of mother, his patri-lateral uncle's daughters
into the role of sister.6
Against the background of this great African value, a person is
an
individual to the extent that he is a member of a family, a clan or
community.
Another great value in traditional Africa is respect for old
people
("senior citizens"), particularly one's parents, grandparents and
relatives.
Together with this value, one must also consider "ancestor worship" as
an
important related value in African culture. In fact, the basis for the
honor
and respect accorded to old people in the traditional African culture is
their
closeness to the ancestors, for in his ontological conceptual scheme the
African places his old relatives closest to his ancestors or dead
relatives in
his great hierarchy of beings.7
It must be noted that in the African universe the living and the dead
interact with one another. Life goes on beyond the grave for the African and
is a continuous action and interaction with dead relatives.
These unseen
ancestors called "the living dead" become part of one's living family and
often are invited to partake (spiritually) in the family meals. As Parrinder
observes: The ancestors are not just ghosts, nor are they simply dead heroes,
but are felt to be still present watching over the household, directly
concerned in all the affairs of the family and property, giving abundant harvests and fertility.8
According to the traditional belief, the African ancestors--the
morally good ones, of course--are held in high esteem.
People have great
recourse to them as powerful intermediaries between God and the living
members of their particular families. These good ancestors are expected
also to reincarnate into their families in due time.
The respect and honor bestowed on the ancestors filter through the
old people--one's parents, grandparents and other relatives--as living
embodiments of wisdom and of the good moral life who are expected
sooner or later to join other good ancestors in the land of the "living dead."
Old age therefore is an important value to the African.
Another value to be examined in the light of the urbanizing
influences in Africa today is religion. To the traditional African,
religion is an
indispensable value. "To be" for him is to be religious. Professor John
Mbiti
of Kenya and Tanzania speaks of him as "notoriously religious"; other
scholars regard him as "incurably religious."
As religion truly
permeates his
total life, there is for him no "secular" existence or naturalistic
vision of
world order. In this important way also, the African exhibits a cultural
personality distinct from that of Western man, for instance, who easily
makes a radical distinction between the secular and the religious, the
natural
and the supernatural, this world and the next.
How does this religious
value
of the African stand the test of urbanization and technological advances
evident in Africa today? This is a central question and, like other
values
considered above, will be the object of later reflection.
Also one cannot forget the fact that the African loves nature and feels
one with it. We are clearly reminded by Professor Maquet of the basic fact
that, unlike Westerners who, having succeeded in defying nature, proceed
toward its complete subjugation, Africans seek harmony with nature and
achieve this by sharing its life and strength.9
The African values the whole
of creation as sacred. To him nature is neither uncanny nor for subjugation
and exploitation, but something sacred, participating in the essential sacred
nature of God Himself and of all reality.
Open spaces, fields, forests, trees,
oceans and lakes are sacred to him and consequently important as places
reminiscent of the ashes of his fathers and the sanctuaries of his gods.
Many other values distinguish the life of the African and in
characteristic ways determine also his modes of being-in-the-world, such
as music, dance, a sense of family togetherness, hospitality and love
for community.
We have made mention of the dominant ones, but our main
objective
is to discover the status of these values in the wake of such modern
values
as urbanization, industrialization, science and technology.
Definitely,
as the
African passes from folk to urban society, from traditional to modern
urban
and semi-urban life with its complicated money economy and international
trade, his traditional values are bound to be affected.
In some cases,
old
values disappear only to reappear as higher ones in a transvaluation of
values; in other cases some traditional values suffer disruption, at
times to
the point of extinction; in yet other cases the African suffers a
reversal of
his traditional values; lastly, he creates altogether new values with
consequent tensions.
In short, these are the main ways that urbanization
and
industrialization, as modern African values, seriously affect
traditional
values. We will discuss briefly each category.
Of course, in speaking about the cumulative effects of urbanization
on the traditional life of the African, one must not lose sight of such other
factors as education, technology, arts, science and Christianity, which are
now part and parcel of modern civilization and which influence the values
and destinies of peoples and nations alike in their continuous thrust toward
progress and a better life.
THE TRANSVALUATION OF VALUES
In speaking about the traditional African and his values, we
bear in
mind that since independence, that is to say, since after the Second
World
war, urbanization as a process of development is itself a value to him.
His
thinking has remained practical and existential in the sense that his
priority
value has been the concrete modes of self-realization. The growth and
development of his cities have remained an integral part of his
post-independence struggles for self-reliance and self-development.
Together with urbanization, since independence the African has
steadfastly pursued industrialization and "transfer" in his effort to control
and dominate the environment. In this ongoing struggle, the African is
gradually realizing the priceor rather the perilof progress, particularly
with reference to his traditional values.
In some cases, he experiences not a
total loss, but a transvaluation. One such case is his traditional religion, with
its own code of ethics. Scholars of African traditional religion have come up
with different names in their effort to describe the nature of the religion of
the African's forefathers: "animism," "paganism" "polytheism" and
"diffused monotheism" have surfaced at one time or the other in their
scholarly journals.
The point is that in Christianity, the revealed religion of Jesus Christ
which the African is increasingly embracing as he comes under the
dominating influences of the missionaries, his traditional religion does not
cease to be practiced, but somehow reappears at a higher level. Christianity
and the ethics of Christ become new and, at the same time, higher values for
the African.
The African Christian now no longer believes in the many gods of his
traditional religion, but in one God, as his ultimate Lord and Master. Rudolf
Otto's sense of the numinousfascinans et tremendum, as he characterizes
religious feelingfor African Christians as for Christians the world over has
reference to the One true God, the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ.
Consequently, belief in this God is no longer belief in the plural gods of his
"pagan" world or the natural morality which characterized their worship.
In connection with the transvaluation of religious values, one must
not forget the African's great value of ancestor worship. "Everywhere the
African is first defined by reference to his ancestor," Maquet reminds us.10
The ancestors or "living dead" are the great intermediaries between the
African Great God (with different names in different African nations), the
other gods and human beings.
On becoming a Christian, the African easily
sees Christ, the only mediator between God and man, as "a proto-ancestor."
This interpretation is advanced by an African theologian in his effort to
Africanize the church or incarnate Christianity in the local culture. It has its
problems, of course, as a Zimbabwean Jesuit theologian notes,11 but it is a
potent mode of recovering and at the same time transforming an important
African traditional value into a higher one.
Also, since urbanization as a modern African value is really
inseparable from such other concomitant values as industrialization and
Christianity, the African's great love for large families, extended
familyhood and
communitywhat the late Leopold Sedar Senghor of Senegal calls "the
sense of communion"is practiced on a much higher level in Christianity,
since the African Christian sees the church as one large institution
housing
all members of the one family of God.
All men become brothers under one
God, as all strive for the same home and destiny, namely, heaven.
Consequently, the African Christian sees not only the members of his
natural family, but all human beings as brothers and sisters, for
Christianity
professes the same common Father and hence a common brotherhood for all
men.
This, too, is a transvaluation of traditional values.In this consideration of the African's transvaluation of
traditional
values, note should be made also that with urbanization, the African
exhibits his existential trait of being a lover of community or
essentially a
man-in-community by his development of new voluntary associations
which increasingly have become distinctive features of his urban milieu.
These associations willingly formed by the urban African, increase his
chances for more economic security and social well-being; in general,
they
provide more opportunities for self-survival.
These ends specify and
define
the nature and activities of the associations12 themselves.
Indeed, Peter S.C.
Gutkind rightly notes, the activities of the voluntary associations are
manifold, ranging from burial services to recreation clubs and friendly
societies,
improvement, saving and contribution clubs, and occupational and
religious
associations.
Consequently what the African loses in his tribal village
life or
experiences as highly precious is doubly assured in his urban life
through
these voluntary associations.
THE AFRICAN AND THE REVERSAL OF VALUES
The growth of cities in this era of industrialization and
push-button
technology is not exactly a total blessing for the African or for anyone
else.
It brings about its own reversal of traditional values, perhaps most
obviously that of his (novel) radical attitude toward nature or his
environment. Mention has been made of the fact that to the premodern
African
nature was sacred, not an object to conquer and exploit; he felt in
harmony
with all reality.
But urbanization itself is a value, and such other concomitant
values
as education, technology and industrialization have brought about a
completely different mental posture towards the African environment.
Land and
open spaces are no longer as sacred as in the days of old.
They are
increasingly scarce since more and more they are converted into urban
and
semi-urban industrial centers, as well as into areas for mechanized
farming.
Consequently, land or nature as a whole has acquired much economic
value.
The sacred groves of the ancestorstrees, forests, and places consecrated
to
the godsare fast decreasing in number as the African, like the rest of
the
world, joins the industrial and technological age and adopts the
scientific
spirit which underlies its progress.
Like the Westerner, the African has
set
out to conquer, subdue and exploit nature, no longer to venerate it;
this is a
far cry from his premodern mentality and outlook.
In addition, one must also mention the serious impact of urbanization
upon African families as another instance of a reversal of values.
One great
attraction of urban life, the reason for citypopulation growth, is the
possibility of making a "decent living" which, in short, means more income
for the family. In practice this means establishing new homes away from
home mostly by young men, women and fathers of families.
The obvious consequence is a gradual, but inevitable breakup of
families. For the African, that is a tragic reversal of values since African
families are close-knit. Unity and togetherness in the family are the basic
values.
In these days the quest for more money and better living conditions
has pushed him out into the city; gradually it is alienating him from his
family; worse still, it is tearing the family apart.
Gutkind rightly points out
that among all the problems which are alleged to have their etiology in
urbanization and urbanism, frequent reference is made to the breakdown of
African kinship and family life in towns.13 Perhaps in no place is this
observation more true than in South Africa, especially among mine workers.
Although urbanization and industrialization have their advantages,
yet they exact their full toll from the African as from anyone else. He, too,
experiences all sorts of new problems and difficulties in his new way of life
in the city, such as slums, poverty, loneliness or estrangement, poor
sanitation, light failure, joblessness, organized and unorganized crime
waves, traffic jams.
The lover of space and nature in his rural setting has
now to contend with overcrowded cities and rundown apartment buildings.
He has begun seriously to complain about city dirt and pollution of the
environment in an unexpected reversal of values.
But these unhappy consequences are light when compared to their
effect on the family size of the urban African. He now speaks in terms
of
family planning and cutting down family size.
The younger urban
generation is no longer prepared to make the same mistakes as their
parents and
grandparents, particularly in not limiting the number of births.
The
overall
effects of urbanization, the increasing lack of habitable space and the
high
cost of education and living standards have brought about this reversal
in
the African traditional value, which the Zairean theologian, Otene,
called
simply "the African value of fecundity."14
In a way, monogamy for the African, particularly the Christian, is a
reversal of value since polygyny or plurality of wives is the ideal and primal
value for the traditional African.
The new cultural determinants we
mentioned above, such as urbanization, the high cost of living, education
and Christianity, have meant a reversal of this value.
What of the depersonalizing force of mass society upon the African
as a result of increasing urbanization and industrialization?
The urban
African rooted in his kinship, who usually maintains a very close family
relationship, becomes suddenly all alone in the city, uprooted so to speak
from his kith and kin in his village and forced to cultivate individualism as
a new way of life.
This is certainly another instance of a reversal of value.
Of course, the urban African forms new associations in the city, but this is
an altogether new way of life which does not really cure the city loneliness
and estrangement which Viktor Franuntkl calls an "existential vacuum."
In addition, other traditional values suffer in the wake of
urbanization, such as "respect for the aged" and high regard for their
wisdom.
This
appears natural for, as the African, particularly the younger
generation,
faces up to the challenges of modern life dictated by education, modern
economy, developments in art, science and technology and the new values
they create, increasingly he finds the "senior citizens" and their
wisdom
irrelevant to his life.
Time becomes important to him as increasingly he
defines his existence in terms of work or business, rather than leisure.
As in
the Western world, this means for the African also less time and concern
for
the older generation and its views, and thereby a reversal of
traditional
values.
THE AFRICAN AND NEW VALUES
In the process of urban growth and development, the African
acquires new values as he forms units as component parts of his new
urban
settlement. His mental horizon and pattern of life change rapidly. He is
no
longer enclosed in his rather stable village environment with its
close-knit
families; he is no longer in the midst of members of his village.
In the
urban
environment, he has to learn to live with, and respect, people of
different
ethnic backgrounds since urban life is a "melting pot" of people from
various ethnic groups with different customs, traditions, mannerisms and
languages, etc. This openness to new peoples is healthy for the African
since he, too, can build a viable and progressive nation only through
the
cooperative endeavor of all.
In this context of "love-for-other-people," as opposed to
"love-of-one's-own ethnic group" characteristic of village life, mention
can be made
of the virtue of patriotism as an additional value for the African. He
now
learns to appreciate and love his country with all its peoples and
subcultures. The African learns to fight for common interests, for the
common good, even at the risk of his own or ethnic good. In a continent
such as Africa characterized by excessive outbursts of ethnic feelings
or
prejudices (tribalism), often to the point of war and national
disorders,
patriotism is indeed a new value.
With urbanization and the technological development which
underlies its progress, the African learns to appreciate scientific
knowledge and
education. Scientific education has become a dominant value to the
African,
rather than the oral education, unwritten customs and traditions of his
forebears. This is one of the outstanding areas where he has profited
from
colonialism and the consequent Westernization of African values.
Formal education, a result of colonialism, radicalized the traditional
values of the African and introduced some completely new ones. Professor
Ali A. Mazrui put it thus, "The colonial impact, I have argued, transformed
the natural basis of stratification in Africa." Instead of status based on, say,
age, there emerged status based on literacy. Instead of classes emerging
from the question, "Who owns what?" class formation now responds to the
question, "Who knows what?"15
Education is indeed a priority value to the African; it is truly
power.
In Africa, it is a door to other values and carries with it affluence
and social
influence Two forms of knowledge have been particularly critical in
determining who rules Africa: literacy or academic knowledge among
African
intellectuals and military knowledge within the African armed forces.
The
knowledge of the intelligentsia has produced something approaching a
meritocracy; the skills of the soldiers have produced what might be
called a
militocracy.16
Also as a result of urbanization and its economic imperatives on
modern life, money has assumed a very important value in Africa, as in
other continents. Like knowledge it too is power. "The pursuit of
personal
profit has escalated in African economic systems," Professor Mazrui
noted.
With the heavy influence of Western capitalism, the African clearly is
developing and appreciating the values of capitalism as well, such as
class
distinction based on the haves and have-nots, competitive spirit,
private
enterprise and the profitmotive.
These values are highly operative
particularly in the economic life of the modern urban African. Indeed,
money
economy and what Mazrui paraphrases as "the culture of the clock"17 or
time consciousness have made material progress in the modern scientific
and technological sense additional values for the African.
One cannot really speak about urbanization and its philosophy of
material progress without mentioning labor or work, which in its modern
scientific sense is a new value. Of course, for the premodern African, as
Guy Hunter observed, work was necessary for subsistence, to fulfill tribal
and family obligations, to amass bride price or perhaps gain status: it had no
personal moral connotation.18
But to the educated urban African work has
increased its value and is seen as a condition for progress as well as for
money. It does mean long hours at the office or on the farms, the emergence
of working class mothers, of young working girls and boys particularly in
cities, and less leisure. Hunter summarizes it all, "Probably the greatest
shock to the newly educated African in paid employment is that he has to
work all day and everyday."19 Certainly, this new attitude to work is far
removed from the older African way of life.
URBANIZATION AND AFRICAN SELF-REALIZATION
From the above reflection, there is no doubt that urbanization
as a
sociological process alters the everyday life and culture of a people.
In
Africa as in practically all cultures, it has given rise partly to a
transvaluation and partly to a reversal of traditional values. Certainly
it has created
additional values. Of course, urbanization need not go with
industrialization
and technological development, though these are prime factors and causes
for city growth and development. Education too is one of the causes of
the
rural drift to cities, or urbanization, in Africa as elsewhere.
The point which must be stressed here is that it is through all
these
factors, namely, healthy development of cities, of science, arts,
technology
and education that the African hopes and strives to achieve
self-realization.
This is the ideal he has pursued steadfastly since independence.
His
post-independence thrust has been for self-reliance and the mastery of
his
continent, for his experience of colonial subjugation and its
concomitant
humiliation was highly unpleasant. "We have for too long been the
victims
of foreign domination," Kwame Nkrumah, the late leader of Ghana once
said. "For too long we have had no say in the management of our own
affairs or in deciding our own destinies."20
The same realization of impotence and frustration on the part of the
African after his colonial experience is concisely stated by Obi B. Egbuna:
We do not control our land, our lives or our direction. We do
not command the means of distribution or production. We do
not even earn a reasonable living wage, but we were born here
and our forefathers claim ownership of the land.21
Consequently, what the present-day African wants is power, the
scientific knowledge and technical skill to establish himself as the
master
and architect of his world and destiny. This is tantamount to a
reestablishment of self in a self-determined, self-directed and
self-controlled
environment.
In this great task, he needs, among other things to industrialize, to
buildup and develop his cities, and not least of all to enter into the race for
technological, scientific and material progress as must the rest of the world
in the quest for that "good life" which is the end of all political societies. In
this ambition the African experiences definite tensions. As seen above, on
the one hand, he wishes to retain many values of his traditional culture
which, on the other, urbanization and the imperatives of modern life
seriously threaten.
For Africans, as for the rest of the world, rural drift to
cities has a
purpose, namely, to seek employment, education, better living conditions
or
even negatively to escape from certain traditions which are found to be
unpleasant. In other words, the escape of people to towns is to search
for alternative forms of subsistence, generally for making life worth
living. In the
resulting urbanization certainly they experience additional problems.
Another outstanding value of the modern African is his desire to
build up African culture. "We are doing everything to revive our culture,"
Nkrumah assured the National Assembly in Accra in 1965. Indeed since
independence, culture-building has remained for the African a top practical
pursuit.
The various festivals of arts and culture held in many African
countries bear this out, as well as the pursuit of indigenous technology and
political systems as the "Ujamaa Experiment" in Tanzania initiated by
Julius K. Nyerere,23 and the promotion of indigenous music,
painting,
religion, fashion and education for self-reliance in many African
nations.
In short, the African wishes to retain his self-identity
through retaining his traditional values, yet, he experiences that his
drift to the cities
and the values of its scientific and technological culture, which are
vital
concomitants of modern civilization, seriously endanger his traditional
values, and consequently, his cultural identity. He wants to retain the
past,
from which he yet alienates himself. Is this possible, or as Professor
Maquet
put it, "Is such an undertaking viable?"23
Urbanization therefore poses serious problems for the African.
Although industrial techniques and scientific development do not yet
completely dominate his life, steadily they are influencing practically all
aspects of his life today. Will the scientific and technological values of
modern civilization, in time, eliminate the traditional ones and alienate the
African from himself? This is the question; and it is a crucial problem for
the African himself.
Professor W.E. Abraham gives his own view. "The future of Africa,"
he says, "rests on the present and the present is an outcome of the past.
By
the present, one wishes to indicate the resultant of the operation of the
forces of traditional Africa and the forces which the contact with Europe has
unleashed." Scientific knowledge and techniques--modern man's common
inheritance--may well be regarded as one of the "forces unleashed" on the
African by contact with America and Europe.
Consequently, an important
test of his maturity, of his quest for self-realization and self-identity, is his
ability to domesticate or indigenize these adventitious values, that is to say,
those values brought about by his contact with the white man's scientific
and technological culture.
"The progress of Africa will depend on Africa's
ability both to appreciate problems and to solve them," Abraham
reiterates.25
Africa's success in her struggle for self-realization and self-identity
will depend then on her ability to subject foreign values to her traditional
ones, to master and at the same time domesticate industrial techniques and
scientific knowledge to serve her own ends, and not the other way round.
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